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On the exact day Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his administration released an equally flamboyant national security strategy. This fairly brief report is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically humble claim that the president has rescued "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of disaster and ruin."

Even though the strategy largely formalizes the current policies and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a grave caution for the world, and for Europe specifically.

A Strategy of Interference and Civilizational Fear

The document espouses an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been taken straight from speeches by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the so-called refugee crisis of 2015-16: "We want Europe to remain European, to regain its cultural self-assurance." More ominously, the document states that Europe's "economic decline is eclipsed by the genuine and starker prospect of cultural extinction."

The entire section on Europe is imbued with decades of European far-right dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and creating strife, suppression of free speech and suppression of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-confidence." Per the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economies and militaries powerful enough to be reliable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."

"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and history."

Core Theories of the Far Right

These points carry powerful echoes of two theories regarded as core for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more explicit conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "indigenous" populations and bring in a more docile and dependent electorate.

It is the nativist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "America encourages its political allies in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism."

The Objective: "Restore European Greatness"

In other words, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can achieve this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to restore their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays vague on methods, it is apparent that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an enemy either.

A Historical Blueprint: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "implement a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

This is necessarily new – recall JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will finally realize that the situation is grave. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in plain and concise terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to act appropriately.